Neural evidence suggests phonological acceptability judgments reflect similarity, not constraint evaluation.

Acceptability judgments are a primary source of evidence in formal linguistic research. Within the generative linguistic tradition, these judgments are attributed to evaluation of novel forms based on implicit knowledge of rules or constraints governing well-formedness. In the domain of phonological acceptability judgments, other factors including ease of articulation and similarity to known forms have been hypothesized to influence evaluation. We used data-driven neural techniques to identify the relative contributions of these factors. Granger causality analysis of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI)-constrained magnetoencephalography (MEG) and electroencephalography (EEG) data revealed patterns of interaction between brain regions that support explicit judgments of the phonological acceptability of spoken nonwords. Comparisons of data obtained with nonwords that varied in terms of onset consonant cluster attestation and acceptability revealed different cortical regions and effective connectivity patterns associated with phonological acceptability judgments. Attested forms produced stronger influences of brain regions implicated in lexical representation and sensorimotor simulation on acoustic-phonetic regions, whereas unattested forms produced stronger influence of phonological control mechanisms on acoustic-phonetic processing. Unacceptable forms produced widespread patterns of interaction consistent with attempted search or repair. Together, these results suggest that speakers' phonological acceptability judgments reflect lexical and sensorimotor factors.