Evidence map›Paper›PMID 26066043›Full record

ArticleHarm reduction journal2015

Before the ban--an exploratory study of a local khat market in East London, U.K.

Saba Kassim, Asha Dalsania, Johan Nordgren, Axel Klein, Josh Hulbert

Abstract read
In one paragraph

Article in Harm reduction journal, 2015. The graph could read no effect estimate from its abstract, so it casts no vote on the map. Cited by 8 papers, 2 of them syntheses that pooled it.

0numbers the graph read from it
0cells of the map it votes in
8citing papers in PubMed, 2 pooled it
–field-weighted citation impact
1 · What the graph read from it

What it found

Each row is one number read from the abstract, on the scale the paper reported it, with its interval. Left of the dashed line favours the treatment, right favours the comparator. Under each row is the sentence it came from. New to these charts? A ten-minute tutorial.

The abstract states no effect estimate the extractor could read, or names no intervention and outcome on the map, so this paper lights no cell and moves no belief. It is still indexed, cited and linked below.

2 · The registry

The trial behind it

Trials whose registry record cites this paper, or whose number appears in the abstract. A trial that started after this paper was published is citing it as background, not reporting it.

Neither the registry nor the abstract names a trial number. If this is a trial report, that itself is worth knowing.

3 · Its place in the literature

Who cites it

8 citing papers in PubMed, 2 syntheses or guidelines pooled it.

  1. Pooled it
  2. Pooled it
  3. Article
  4. Article
  5. Refugees, trade, and FDI.Oxford review of economic policy · 2022
    Article
  6. Toxicology reports · 2022
    Article
  7. Article
  8. Impact of khat price increases on consumption behavior - price elasticity analysis.Substance abuse treatment, prevention, and policy · 2019
    Article
4 · The record

Corrections and comments

PubMed lists nothing against this paper. Absence here is not a guarantee, only a check that was made.

5 · Who and what money

Authors and funding

5 authors.

Saba KassimQueen Mary, University of London, Barts and The London School of Medicine and Dentistry, Institute of Dentistry, 4 Newark Street, London, E1 2AT, UK. s.kassim@qmul.ac.uk.
Asha DalsaniaQueen Mary, University of London, Barts and The London School of Medicine and Dentistry, Institute of Dentistry, 4 Newark Street, London, E1 2AT, UK. asha.dalsania@southend.nhs.uk.
Johan NordgrenDepartment of Social Work, Malmö University, Malmö, Sweden. johan.nordgren@mah.se.
Axel KleinProject Office with Egmont, Institute for International Relations, Brussels, Belgium. AxelK@rusi.org.
Josh HulbertDrugscience, the Independent Scientific Committee on Drugs, London, UK. josh.hulbert@drugscience.org.uk.

Funding

No grant is acknowledged in the PubMed record.

6 · The paper itself

Abstract

backgroundKhat is a green leaf with amphetamine-like effects. It is primarily used among people in Africa, the Middle East and in the diaspora communities from these countries. Prior to the prohibition of khat in the UK on 24 June 2014, there was almost no information available on key aspects of the local khat market.

methodsA cross-sectional study was conducted in 2012 using snowball sampling, Privileged Access Interviewing and area mapping in order to identify khat sale establishments. Data was collected via face-to-face interviews using mixed methods for data collection. This included information about the establishments selling khat, khat pricing and its use among different ethnic minority groups, in addition to the potential sale of khat to children and risk assessment (e.g., use of pesticides on khat).

resultsFive out of seven sellers identified agreed to participate. Sellers described their khat sale establishments as 'community centres' which included, for example, a restaurant basement. The sellers' history of selling khat ranged between 1-15 years and khat's sale took place between 2pm-10pm. Miraa (e.g., Lara) from Kenya was the most popularly used khat variety, sold in pre-wrapped bundles of approximately 250 g costing £3 each and delivered four days a week. Harari (e.g., Owdi) from Ethiopia was sold in 200 g, 400 g and 1 kg bundles, priced between £5 and £20 and delivered two days a week. The primary benefit of khat use was reported to be social interaction. The customers were predominantly adult males of Somali origin. Most sellers claimed a self-imposed ban on sales to children under 18 years old. Khat bundles had no labelling describing variety or weight and sellers had no knowledge of the use of pesticides on khat and did not advertise the risks associated with khat use.

conclusionsKhat selling establishments were businesses that did not adhere to trade standards regulations (e.g., labelling khat bundles). They claimed to provide a community service (facilitating social interaction) to their predominately Somali customers. Without a better understanding of the dynamics of the khat market there is a risk that both health and social needs of the vulnerable populations involved in the market continue to go unaddressed. Future research should track changes in the now illicit khat market in order to evaluate the social and public health implications following the recent changes to the current U.K. regulatory environment regarding khat.

Indexed as

CathaAdolescentAdultAgedCommerceCross-Sectional StudiesFemaleHumansLondonMaleMiddle AgedSubstance-Related DisordersYoung Adult

Identifiers

PMID26066043
PMCPMC4465728

What OpenQuestion holds

Textmetadata
LicenceCC BY
Read underepoch 390

Registered trials

None linked

Read under generation 80e0d062 · epoch 390. Bibliography from PubMed, PubMed Central and OpenAlex; grants from NIH RePORTER; trial links from ClinicalTrials.gov; estimates, votes and beliefs from the OpenQuestion graph.